Cayton's Weekly

Cayton's Weekly PRICE FIVE CENTS CAYTON'S WEEKLY Published every Saturday at Seattle, Washington, U. S. A. Subscription $2 per year in advance. HORACE ROSCOE CAYTON..Editor and Publisher Entred as second class matter, August 18, 1916, at the post office at Seattle, Vash., under the Act of March 3rd, 1916. TELEPHONE: BEACON 3579 Office 317 22nd Ave. South EDITORIAL PARAGRAPHS Ten cent car fare in Seattle next Monday, which is municipal ownership with a vengeance. The Republican convention to be held in Tacoma next Monday will not be lacking in shade and colors. “Sugar Declines a Cent” is a head line. Evidently the sugar thieves got actually tired of taking the money. “Harding is a suffragist” is a headline. Doubtelss he is anything to get the presidency of the United States. Should G. W. Jones decide to go into the real estate business in Seattle there is grave danger of him making a huge success of it. The numerous drunks seen in the police court recently is a double decker of the allegation that these are truly moonshine nights. It occurs to us that the Puget Sound bootleggers should petition the U. S. Government to continue Juoge Rudkin on the bench in Seattle. The editor hereof is willing to back any candidate that he supports with his money, but that does not mean very much, as he has no money. In the death of Capt. L. M. Howell, Secretary of State, the community loses a valuable citizen and the Republican party a past grand master. From what we glean from the Peerless One, both the Democrats and the Republicans are grand deceivers, and so the Peerless One is between the devil and the deep blue sea. A front porch campaign does not appeal to Gov. Cox, but it strikes Senator Harding as the proper caper. Alright, fellows, you pays your money and takes your choice. After learning the amount the musicians are to be paid for the Sunday concerts in the parks its plain to be seen why the musicians made such a fuss about the musicless parks on summer Sundays. Advocating one day off for policemen is a beautiful theory, but the most of us are of the opinion that so far as the policemen's actual work is concerned its every day off with a pick-up on the side. It's now U. S. Senatorial filing time and it seems that Ed Chilberg is lost in the shuffle. There is hardly any doubt but that Ed, up until now, has taken himself too seriously, but he is now convinced. It's refreshing to watch the Mt. Zion Baptist Church grow, and if it continues to grow as rapidly as it has done, some time in August Rev. Carter and his congregation will be serving God under their own vine and fig tree. Evidently there will be no third party this year and it will be a straight fight between --- SEATTLE, WASHINGTON, SATURDAY, July 17, 1920 the Republicans and the Democrats, which means that Democracy is in for the worst drubbing a political party ever got in this country. Seven dollars per day are being offered harvest hands and yet idle men in Seattle are as thick as hairs on a dog's back. The American good and true is a natural born dodger of real work and that too whether the wages therefor be high or low. Having been elected mayor of Bellingham, where booze flys in the air, E. T. Mathes thinks he can be elected governor of the state, but he is traveling the wrong road to reach the white house of this state as this is not a Democratic year in this state. Come home li'l Arthur and your Uncle Sam will receive you with open arms and reward you for what you have already been convicted of and for you getting out of the country when he was looking right at you. You are too smart my boy to live among "greasers." It is reported that a thousand dirt dealers attended the recent Spokane talkfest. In view of the fact that dirt is a very cheap commodity just now we are curious to know what that bunch of highbinders have up their sleeves at this time to let loose upon the unsuspecting public. It now transpires that that Duluth seventeen-year-old white girl was not outraged nor is she as innocent as she was recently pictured to be and Duluth's foremost citizens are advising that as little be said about the unfortunate affair as possible, but the three colored men are still dead. Down in Portland the most of the past week the "pass word" was much in demand, owning to the grand lodge of the Masons of Washington and Jurisdiction being in session. After finishing the pass word performance they picniced at Winlock, the site of the home for aged Masons. With the Yellow Peril threatening to exterminate the white man on the Pacific Coast and the Black Peril threatening to exterminate him in the South and the Sein Fein to handle him roughly in New York, the white man will have to put up a hell-of-a-fight to maintain his superiority in the United States. Villa is for peace in Mexico providing he writes the terms and Jack Johnson wil surrender to the U. S. authorities providing he be received as a diplomat instead of a convict and the Japanese Potatoe King is willing to settle the California-Japanese race troubles providing the Japanese are permitted to marry the white women, all of which must mean that in the eyes of those dignataries Uncle Sam is some small potatoe. The all-day outing at Fortuna Park August 4th, given under the auspices of the Seattle Branch of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People promises to be one of the most pleasant outings of the season. Those having charge of the arrangements are leaving nothing undone to make the occasion a record-breaking one. Many members of the association have tickets for sale, but if it is not convenient to purchase a ticket from one of the vendors you can get a ticket at the boat. Tickets, 75 cents, including boat fare and gate admission. Bring your well-filled baskets and prepare to have a general good time. Good music for those who want to dance. Vol. 5 No. 4 THE PASSING THRONG "What you think of the actions of our late general conference in electing two colored bishops,' said the Rev. E. M. Randall pastor of the M. E. Church of Everett, one day this week. "What I think of its actions depends wholly on exactly what it did," was my reply." If Drs. Jones and Clair were elected bishops of the Methodist Episcopal Church and not bishops of the colored contingents of the church then I say, amen! and thank God. And then he replied, "I thought such an idea might be in your mind, knowing you as well as I do, and that is just why I put the question to you. Those brothers are full-fledged bishops and stand on an equal footing with the whitest bishop in the connection and will be called upon to act in their official capacity, whether in Maine or Mississippi and under no other circumstances would I have voted for their election." The doubt in my mind was due to the fact that the proposed union with the Methodist Episcopal Church South was under consideration and I feared a compromise had been made with the South to unite, but in a way eliminate the colored brother. To this Dr. Randall replied, "All previos negotiations fell through at the general conference and a new deal was moved, but that the South would thoroughly understand our attitude as to the colored contingents of our church we forthwith decided on the election of two colored bishops and then incorporated in the articles for a new conference, no existing rules of our church are to be disturbed in case a union is perfected." Certainly all of this is a long step in the right direction and shows a move toward the fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man taken by no other religious denomination. * * * In view of the fact that I contributed fifty cents towards the building and completion of the Mt. Zion Baptist Church I am keeping a close watch on its construction. But had I not have given that four bits I still would anxiously watch the construction of that church edifice just because there are those in the city who constantly knock the proposition. Before the old church was sold I was told that if the old church was ever sold the big ones would squander the money, and nothing more than make a bluff at building a new church would ever be made. In the course of time however, the new church began to loom up and then I heard Brer Knocker say, "but it's reached its limit. They are out of money and the building will never be completed, but the hammering goes steadily on and I am beginning to think that the wish of Brer Knocker, that the egorts of the pasotr and the congregation fail in the completion of so good a cause, is father to the thought and more bluntly speaking, Brer Knocker, in my opinion, is an old fashioned liar and it won't be long before the Mt. Zion Baptist Church will be worshipping in a real metropolitan church building. * * * A friend of mine was stopping at the Arlington Hotel or at least the place going under that name, though I am of the opinion that it is almost criminal to class it among the hotels of the city. I think I had called on him three or four times and each time I wondered to myself why my friend would put up at so mangy a looking lodging house as the "Arlington Hotel." for from its general appearance it struck me more as a ren- --- dezvous of I. W. W.'s than a hostlery for American white men. I finally said to him "I am a bit surprised at you registering in such a makeshift for a hotel, when Seattle has so many splendid inns for the accommodation of the traveling public." He plead as excuse for so doing of having done so in times past when the place was well kept. But the amusing part of this story is, my friend was to leave the following morning and I was there Friday evening to bid him good bye and just as we were about to step into the elevator to go to the floor on which his squalid quarters were located the greasy-looking elevator operator stepped up to my friend and said, "you are wanted at the office." Just what transpired at the office I did not hear, but I knew something unusual was going on, but finally the mangy-looking elevator operator took us up and then my friend told me that the clerk objected to me going to his room owing to me being a Negro, and I said, "Fo De Lawd." Since the mind of man runneth not to the contrary in the United States the most of the troubles of the colored man has originated among the "po white trash," and here it was in all of its glory ni the far Northwest. Not a hotel in all this city but that I have visited friends in and been treated with as much consideration as the paid guest, but in this cheap, lousy-looking lodging house an objection was raised of me visiting with my white friend in his room. The words of a tramp who had been run over by a passing vehicle flashed into my mind. The tramp pulled himself together and rose from the dust and observed the class of vehicle that had knocked him down and later on in relating it to a friend he said, "I would not have minded it so much, but it was a slop cart that ran over me." Had such objections been raised in a respectable hotel there may have been some excuse for it, but pray what excuse could so cheap a lodging house as the Arlington Hotel of Seattle have for making such objections? ```markdown ``` That was a splendid meeting held by the King County Republican Club last Sunday afternoon and much routine business was put through, after which the secretary was instructed by a unanimous vote of the club to cast the vote of the club re-electing the officers of the club for the past year for the ensuing year. Six delegates to the state convention of colored clubs, which will be held at Tacoma next Monday, were elected as follows: Dr. David T. Cardwell, Dr. W. D. Carter, Dr. F. B. Cooper, Clarence R. Ander, son, O. C. Winston and Archie R. Bonner. Six alternate delegates will also attend the convention. The club was addressed by Rodger W. Watts of Tacoma, whose words met warm welcome by the members. Mr. Watts has charge of the banquet end of the coming convention and sold tickets to those desiring to attend the evening festivities. PURELY PERSONAL Mrs. Emma Houston Hancock is suffering from a mild attack of typhoid fever as is her younger son Donald. Dr. F. B. Cooper is attending the state dental association in Tacoma this week. Mr. G. W. Jones, who has the real estate bee in his bonnet, thinks he has an apartment house that will soon be at his disposal. Do not overlook the fact that Kelly Miller will lecture in Seattle July 27th to which you and each of you are invited to be present. Admission fifty cents. Cayton's Weekly READABLE RELIABLE REPUBLICAN Will Help You If You Will Help It The image provided does not contain any text. It appears to be a blank or empty frame with no content. POLITICAL POT.PIE It begins to look as if there will be just as hot a fight for the county auditor nomination on the Republican ticket as for the county clerk nomination. The entries for auditor thus far are A. Lincoln Smith, at present employed in the office of the county purchasing agent; O. M. Spear, at present deputy county auditor, and D. E. Ferguson, also an employee of the auditor's office, with Elmer Connor threatening to throw his hat in the ring. As the candidates now stand my guess is that their relative strengths are as they have been named. A. Lincoln Smith has some mighty good backing in the city and is exceedingly strong in the country. But Spear has been in the auditor's office a long time and presumably is the office candidate, which is a big help to him. I am not acquainted with Mr. Ferguson, but Burt Taylor, an old time Fifth Ward politician, says he is a hell of a nice fellow. As far as I heard there was not a person at the meeting of the King County Colored Republican Club last Sunday afternoon that was not enthusiastic for the nomination of Joe Warren for sheriff. I met an old time Spokane man one day this week and he said, "I have known Joe Warren for thirty years. I was in Spokane when he was chief of police there and if a colored man ever got a square deal from a police officer he got it from Chief Warren. I was also in Nome when he was chief of the police there and the colored man got a square deal there and so far as when he was chief of the police in Seattle, you know, Mr. Editor, how fair he was to the colored citizens. He had not been out of office two days before the police began to abuse the colored persons and that too in many instances when they had no excuse for so doing. Say for me. I am going to let go for the election of Chief Warren." Filing day has come at last when candidates can lose their "grass," to seek the office that they want, where scads of money hunt its haunt. Each one who files feels sure to win and on that notch he sticks his pin. I tell you man I won the fight before I condescended to alight, and nothing but the fall of heaven will keep me from old seven or 'leven. The "bones" are rolling in to me because the voters know my tree and when we go to cash our checks, your humble servant will need no decks. I am the one who's going to win the votes of both the women and the men. THE LEGAL ASPECTS OF THE NEGRO QUESTION By Moorfield Storey It is certainly an augury of bettery times that this Association formed to secure their equal rights for the colored citizens of this great republic, should meet here in this great Southern city by the invitation of her Mayor, her Chamber of Commerce, and the Governor of Georgia. We feel that they have offered us a cordial welcome, and we accept it gladly, believing that it is an earnest of that genuine good-will which should exist between all citizens of our common country, no matter of what race or color. It has been suggested that I should speak on the legal aspects of the Negro problem, but that subject does not attract me. There are no legal questions. The Constitution of the United States knows only American A. D. SMITH — B. BIRD Proprietors Phone Beacon 113 B & B PANATARIAN Cleaning, Pressing and Repairing Ladies Work a Specialty We Call for and Deliver TRY JIMMIE THE SHINE KING Shine Parlor for Ladies and Gents 1218 Jackson Street citizens, and recognizes no difference of race or color. Every right that any American citizen has belongs to all. The law is no respector of persons. It gives every man the right to a fair trial by a jury of his peers. It regards an attack on any citizen, whether by individual or by mob as a crime, to be prosecuted and punished as such. The Supreme Court of the United States has held Grandfather laws and segregation ordinances to be unconstitutional, and has declared peonage illegal. The law is clear, and it is idle to discuss what is settled. It is not the law but its enforcement which is wanting, and I prefer to discuss existing conditions. Speaking in Atlanta, it is in every way fitting that I should take as my text the words of your own great orator, Henry W. Grady: "The problem of the South is to carry on within her body politic two separate races, equal in civil and political rights and nearly equal in numbers. She must carry those races in peace, for discord means ruin. She must carry them separately, for assimilation means debasement. She must carry them in equal justice for to this she is pledged in honor and in gratitude. She must carry them even unto the end for in human probability she will never be quit of either." When the doctrine thus stated is recognized and applied throughout this country the work of this Association will have been done. Equality "in civil and politiccal rights," "equal justice" and that "peace" which assures them the undisturbed enjoyment of their lives, their liberty and their property, except so far as either is taken by due process of law are all that the colored people ask. But it must be understood that when Mr. Grady says "we must carry them separately" this cannot be interpreted as meaning that segregation which the Supreme Court of the United States has declared forbidden by the Constitution, or any separation inconsistent with "equal civil and political rights" and "equal justice" to all. The simple test is to be found in the Golden Rule which is the foundation of the Christianity that we all profess. We have only to imagine the conditions reversed and consider what treatment white men would resent if suffered at the hands of colored men to realize what the colored man resents at the hands of his white neighbors. We stand here to ask for what Grady asked—no more and no less. The fear that if their rights are granted, the colored men will seek to establish unwelcome personal relations is without any just foundation. Social relations are not regulated by law but by the tastes of men, and if there exists between the races an instinctive antipathy, as many claim, there is no danger of social intimacy or intermarriage, which every individual may control for himself or herself. If we were to deny equal civil and political rights to every man whom we would not willingly receive as a son-in-law, a large majority of mankind would be ostracized and the world would be governed by a very small oligarchy. The rights of men are not to be determined by any such test. The people of the South are wont to speak of the 'Negro question' and to insist that it is for them to deal with. We of the North decline to be thus excluded from the national family. We recognize that the ancestors of us all, North and South alike, are responsible for the situation which confronts their children, and since we share this responsibility and are exposed to the dangers of the situation, we feel that it is the problem of the nation as a whole, and that we must help to deal with it. Chicago, Springfield and East St. Louis in Illinois, Omaha in Nebraska, Coatesville in Pennsylvania are not Southern cities. Washington belongs to us all, and all these cities have witnessed outrages which disgraced the whole country. Our point of view may be different from yours. It has been for years, but we shall not advance by emphasizing our differences, we must try to reconcile them. Working in WP gd + hae ; Nig | a a eae aa : i ; Paes .-- Le tee Shs so Sly 3) @ be ae cae aaa Se eRe G ARNE R Ae, SO eS tc fa eT a Hee Pius ; . caste me ratMent 4 aa Wee " i % ‘ 5 : HOR pte y ey yey 4 ews ete ok PRR ae As ees, ; 2 h , 2 aire cass * ‘ r ay Ne Wee Roe ee A ee eee Sal ope “ees: - Let me remind you first that the question before us is not a Negro question but a white man’s question. The Negroes did not come to America of their own free will, but were captured and brought here by white men. They were held by white men for centuries as slaves, ignorant and degrade, “with no rights which the white man was bound to accept.’’ White men made them what they were when civil war waged by white men set them free. White men gave them the rights of citizens under our Con- stitution, and save for a few years when under white leaders they exercised political power and gave you governments not worse than white men have given their fellow- citizens in our great Northern cities, white men have made and now make the laws un- der which they live, and white men enforce them. No colored man has sat for years in either house of Congress, few if any sit in the legislatures of our states, and in the Southern states of this country only very few even have a vote. They are in no way responsible for the evils of which men com- plain. If any of them are ignorant or brutal, who made and have kept them so? No race ever owed another as much as the white race in this country owes the Negroes, and those of you who remember the civil war cannot forget that colored men raised the food which supported the Southern armies and protected the wives and children of your soldiers who were fighting to keep them slaves. With this memory you car appreciate what Grady meant when he said: “She must carry them in equal justice for to this she is pledged in honor and in grat- itude.’’ Our colored people do their part as citi- zens. When the country needs money they pay their share of taxes, they buy their full allotment of Liberty Bonds. When men are needed they are called and serve bravely and loyally. In the late war 417,000 of them were drafted, and in the words of Secretary Daniels, ‘‘More than 200,000 Ne- groes went across the sea to fight, not a few to seal their devotion with their blood, and many to win decorations for their fine fight- ing qualities and faithful services.’’ When it was suggested to the Secretary that Ger- man spies were trying to enlist them against this country, he replied to the speaker, ‘‘that though here and there he might find a traitor among the American Negroes, he might give himself no trouble for I knew that the Ne- groes could neither be cajoled nor threat- ened nor bought to enter a conspiracy to injure this country.’’ Twelve millions of citizens like these are an asset not lightly to be thrown away, especially when we con- sider how many disloyal elements are to be found in our varied population. Let me recall to you what happened in half a century. When the end of the war came in 1865 it found four millions of echat- tels without education, without property, without experience, turned naked into a hos- tile world, changed in a moment into men and citizens, with a freedom which many of them did not realize and with rights which they knew not how to exercise. Com- pare them with the twelve million freemen who dwell in this country today, Possessing millions of fertile acres, owning and manag- ing banks, insurance companies and_bust- ness enterprises of every kind; winning dis- tinction in every profession, founding and maintaining schools, colleges, magazines a1.d newspapers, proving their ability in every walk of life. Their leaders would be recog- nized as leaders of men in any country, and if the rank and file lack something of the business ability and the aggressive qualities of the whites, who shall say that they have not a larger share of those virtues which are enumerated in the Sermon on the Mount, the Kattan and geniles. nilnitias Ge oe and every obstacle which prejudice could put in their way. What they have has been won by hard and persistent labor. They have not met injustice and violence with violence, but with patience and fortitude. They have kept their courage and their progress has not been stayed. Let us white men put ourselves in the position which the freedmen occupied in 1865; let us imagine that we had faced the prejudice and injustice which they have en- countered, and then ask ourselves whether we can be sure that we should have risen any faster than they have done? We can certainly be sure that we should not have endured what they have endured with equal patience. If one seeks to measure the pro- gress of the glacier month by month or even year by year, its advance seems negligible, but it moves with resistless force and no human power can arrest or check it. The progress of the colored race is like the move- ment of the glacier, as sure, as steady and as irresistible. In the words of Whittier: “‘You may wrestle while you can, With the strong upward tendency, And God-like soul of man.’’ but it is a contest in which you face certain defeat. Justice like truth ‘‘is mighty and will pre- vail.”” We are fools and blind if we fight against the inevitable. I have said that the problem is a white man’s problem. The root of all our diffi- culties is planted in the breast of the white man, in his belief that he is superior, that he has the right to trample upon his weaker neighbors, in his prejudice against men whom he remembers as slaves, in his deter- mination that his former servant shall be “kept in his place,” to use the current phrase. It is this root that must be extir- pated, this prejudice that must be discour- aged. There is no countenance for it tu be found either in our political or our religious principles. Might does not make right ac- cording to our creed. The place of any man in this country is that which he ean win for himself by his ability and industry, and no man can say to another, ‘‘Thus far shalt thou go and no farther.’’ I am proposing today to consider the sub- ject from the white man’s standpoint, and ask you to consider what his interest re- quires. What is our duty to these millions of Americans. TI come back to the words of Grady. We must recognize their ‘equal civil and political rights,’’ we must earry them ‘‘in peace”? and ‘‘in equal justice,’’ or we are sowing dragon’s teeth which will yield an abundant crop of injustice, dis- honor, crime and perhaps of greater calami- ties. By this I do not mean calamities to the Negroes, but to us all. The Constitution of the United States for- bids all ‘‘eruel and unusual punishments. ”’ It assures to every man charged with crime “a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury.’’ Is there a man in this whole coun- try so lost to shame as to propose that the Constitution be amended by striking out those provisions? Yet during the year 1919 eleven men were burned to death by mobs in this country and four of them in this state. No civilized man can justify such barbarism, and yet the men who committed these crimes have not been prosecuted. The are reported faithfully in the newspapers; the leaders of the mob take no steps to con- ceal their faces; women and children crowd to witness the writhings of the victim, and the perpetrators walk among their neigh- bors with heads erect, unpunished and un- ashamed. What effect, think you, do such HoEnors have on the good name of the Unitea States? What should we have said had Frenchmen been burned by Germany in Lou- vain? How oan wa otk. BOS” munity where such outrages occur? What is the lesson that is learned by the children whose parents take them to watch the tor- tures? These are questions for you to an- swer for it is the community where lynch- ings occur that is most affected by them, and which must deal with them. I admit that Georgia must deal with the crimes that occur in Georgia, and that Massachusetts cannot help her until the law is changea. The conscience of every good man and wo- man who hears of these wrongs must be shocked, and from every quarter must come indignant protests and condemnation. Will you Christian men of Georgia, citizens of the great republie whose government rests upon the principle that all men are ereated equal, turn deaf ears to these protests and let the crimes go on? No one but yourselves can answer this question. No one better than you can point out the consequences to yourselves and to us all. T know that no man of character anywhere can approve such barbarities, but when such men are silent and a whole community toy- erates the crimes, they share the responsi- bility. In the language of the law they are “accessories after the fact,” if not in the strict meaning of the phrase, at least in moral responsibility. This is a truth which we must face. Let me put you a very simple question. Is it profitable, is it safe for us so to treat twelve million of our fellow-citizens as to make the our enemies? They are men like ourselves, with the same instinets and feelings; many of them are more nearly white than colored, and inherit our own qualities. Even if they were worms, the worm will turn. We cannot deny to twelve millions of men the rights of men, we can- not deny them justice, we cannot leave them at the merey of the mob to be killed on suspicion or on any charge which any ma- licious, reckless or hysterical person may make, without that trial by jury which the Constitution seeures to every man, and ex- pect them to submit forever. Have we not enemies enough within our borders? A year ago we led the world, and all peoples sought our friendship. Now where are our friends? England and France feel themselves desert- ed by us since we repudiate the treaties on which they relied for protection. Germany holds us responsible for her overthrow. We certainly cannot rely on Russia, once our friend. Can we afford to cultivate just dis- content in our midst? These twelve million men must seek friends elsewhere if the governments under which they live and the men among whom they dwell deny them justice and safety. Again in the words of Grady, ‘‘Diseord means ruin.’’ Can we afford to run the risk? Disregard wholy this aspect of the ques- tion, and consider only the effect of our daily life. Labor is needed everywhere, and we im- port it from every other quarter of the world While the great war was in progress I saw trains of Chinamen in Canada on their way to France where they did work upon which the safety of our armies depended. Racial prejudice keeps these laborers from our shores. Can any community have a more valuable asset than a body of well-trained, heaelthy, willing workers? Here in the South your colored men are fitted for the work you have to do. The climate suits them. Tere has been their home, here should be their hopes. You need them in your fields, in your factories, wherever hands are needed. They will not stay here unless they are treated well. The temptation of higher wages, better schools for their children, greater safety of life and property, assured political rights and wider opportunity is al- ways before them. Can you afford to let a situation continue where this temptation is becoming irresistible? Te it wice far vay to ```markdown ``` ure in any community. You cannot afford, again, as a matter of dollars and cents to keep your labor ginorant. Your Negro schools are a disgrace, as your own educators will tell you, and it is not the colored men alone who suffer, but the whole country. Inefficient work, spoiled material, badly cultivated fields cost all of us something. I will not ask you to rely on my words, but you cannot disregard those of the Southern University Race Commission, from whose report I quote: "The inadequate provision for the education of the Negro is more than an injustice to him; it is an injury to the white man. The South cannot realize its destiny if one-third of its population is undeveloped and inefficient. or our common welfare we must strive to cure disease wherever we find it, strengthen whatever is weak, and develop all that is undeveloped. The initial steps for increasing the efficiency and usefulness of the Negro race must necessarily be taken in the schoolroom." Or as the Report by the Bureau of Education in the Department of the Interior puts it: "The economic future of the South depends upon the adequate training of the black as well as the white workmen of that section. The fertile soil, the magnificent forests, the extensive mineral resources and the unharnessed waterfalls are awaiting the trained mind and the skilled hand of both the white man and the black man." This is not the argument of a fantical abolitionist to a slave owner. It is mere common sense stated by a practical business man to other practical business men. Do you not see that it is so? Let me again turn to Atlanta for confirmation and quote from the great speech of Booker Washington during your Exposition: "Cast down your bucket where you are, Cast it down among the eight millions of Negroes whose habits you know, whose fidelity and love you have tested in days when to have proved treacherous meant the ruin of your firesides. Cast down your bucket among these people who have, without strikes and labor wars, tilled your fields, cleared your forests, builted your railroads and cities, and brought forth treasures from the bowels of the earth, and helped make possible this magnificent representation of the progress of the South." "While doing this, you can be sure in the future, as in the past, that you and your families will be surrounded by the most patient, faithful, law-abiding and unresentful people that the world has seen." Monroe N. Work, the statistician of Tuskegee has made this statement: "It is probable that the South is losing each year, because of bad health conditions among its Negro population, more than $300,000,000. It is also probable that by improving health conditions among its Negro population one-half of this great loss could be saved." This suggests another danger. Disease is no respector of persons. It is absolutely just and knows no race or color. The diseases which are devastating Europe may at any moment cross the ocean as did the Spanish Influenza. When the citizens of any place tolerate within their borders dirty, squalid districts, badly drained and badly kept, they are preparing to receive disease with open arms. It is not many years ago that yellow fever desolated New Orleans and Memphis and shotgun quarantines were maintained against the infected regions. No shotgun quarantine will keep disease from crossing streets and spreading from district to district in any town. Only recall how the yellow fever and the influenza spread within your memory, how typhus spread in Serbia a few years ago, how the plagues of history devastated continents, and ask yourselves whether for your own sakes you can afford to tolerate the Negro quarters which deface so many of our cities today. War against slums is a war in self-defence. The deaths which war causes strike the imagination, but more men have died of contagious disease than have died of wounds since 1914. Finally, can we afford any longer to deny the vote to our colored citizens, whether by violence or threats of violence, by tissue paper ballots or grandfather laws, by embarrassing registration, or cheating in the application of educational tests? Whatever device of force or fraud is employed, the admitted truth is that the Negro vote in the South is suppressed. In the long run only voters have rights in this country. The politicians, whether they hold executive office or sit in legislatures know, respect and fear the "labor vote," the "temperance vote," the "soldier vote," the "suffrage vote," and every other vote, but they have no thought to spare for any class that has no vote. The non-voters are defenceless, their needs are not considered, their rights are not defended, and no body of taxpayers can long remain in that position. "Taxation without representation is tyranny" whether the taxpayer is black or white, and if men are counted as voters when the number of Congressmen or presidential electors is determined, and yet are not allowed to cast their votes, those who profit by the system exercise an undue influence in the councils of the nation to which their fellow-citizens will not long submit. The Solid South rests upon the suppressed Negro vote, and it creates a political situation which cannot endure. Both the colored taxpayer, whose vote is wholly suppressed, and the white voter in the North and West, whose vote is partly neutralized and so partly suppressed, are bound to oppose it. Does it help the communities which refuse to recognize the political rights of the Negro? Does it insure them good government to let their political life hinge on a single question? Is it wise to let a whole government rest on injustice to its citizens as a corner stone? What must be the political and moral tone of men who see the laws habitually spurned or evaded by the men who are chosen to govern them? Is it an example which is likely to promote good citizenship and love of justice among the citizens who are the soil from which government springs? If they are just, their rulers will be just and not otherwise. Again I turn to Atlanta for wisdom. A year ago at Hampton in Virginia I heard your eloquent preacher, the Rev. Dr. Pones, say to the students of that great college: "You protest that you have not full political freedom in the South today. No, and neither have I. You answer that I have the ballot. Yes, but what is the worth of a ballot which can be counted before it is cast? What is the value of a vote which cannot be backed by freedom of political choice? * * * We said that we would shut the Negro out of our political life, and yet, ever since, the shadow of your race has rested upon every political discussion, and you have in a real sense dominated every political election. The simple truth is that when we all became Democrats we did so at the cost of our democracy. * * * For wherever 'Democrat,' or 'Republican' stands for a sectional, racial, or class consciousness, it is an evidence, not of political freedom, but of party despotism." I have said my say, but the ideas which I have expressed are not new or original with me. I have been only the mouthpiece of Atlanta. It is Atlanta that has spoken to you, and surely the words which I have quoted 1000 1000 Thousands of Barrels of Refreshing, Exhilerating, Intoxicating Music Poured Out Nightly at the Entertainer's Cabaret 1238 Main Street By the Best SYNCOPATED ORCHESTRA on the Coast DON'T MISS IT ENTERTAINER'S CABARET GILLIE RICHARDSON RUSSELL WALTON from her leaders are wise and true. When the people of the South will heed them there will be no "Negro question." Let me add one word to the Southern men and women whom my voice may reach. You have for years prided yourselves upon being a chivalrous people. What is chivalry? Can it be defined better than in the words of Lord Russell, the Chief Justice of England, addressed to the American Bar Association in regard to civilization: "Its true signs are thought for the poor and suffering, regard and respect for woman, the frank recognition of human brotherhood, irrespective of race or color, or nation or religion, * * * abhorrence of what is mean and cruel and vile, ceaseless devotion to the claims of justice." Chivalry means respect for the weak, it is opposed to oppression of any kind, it lifts up the poor and ignorant, it spares the lowly and beats down the proud. If you are true to your own traditions and to the quality which you claim, you cannot continue in the wanton exercise of your strength to keep your weaker and poorer neighbors down. Religion forbids it. Law forbids it. Your interest forbids it, and chivalry forbids it. Be worthy of yourselves, and help us to end the Negro question and assure the future of this country by expelling from every white man's breast the ignoble prjudice of race, from which white and black alike are suffering. In the words of our great general, "Let us have peace." The above address prepared by Moorfield Storey was read before the Eleventh Annual Session of the National Association ror the Advancement of Colored People, which was recently held in Atlanta, Georgia. You Are Welcome GREAT NORTHERN POOL AND BILLIARD HALL Cigars, Tobacco and Soft Drinks. BOYD & WILLIAMS, Props. 1032 Jackson St. SANDERS & COMPANY LOANS NEGOTIATED 1003-1004 L. C. Smith Building Office Hours From 8:30 A. M. to 5:30 P. M. Seattle, Wash. Elliott 4662 Phone East 179 Calls Made Promptly Day or Night LEWIS & BLACKWELL FUNERAL DIRECTORS and EMBALMERS H. 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